Former Prime Minister of Poland KazimierzHelp Goldman Sachs to manipulate Polish Zloty and problems for Poland.
How Goldman Sachs took over the world
Whether it's a credit crunch to fix or an Olympics to plan, the list of Goldman Sachs alumni is sure to have a candidate
By Stephen Foley
If there's something weird in the financial world, who you going to call? Goldman Sachs.
The US government, involved in a firefight against the conflagration in the credit markets, is calling in another crisis-buster from the illustrious investment bank, this time Goldman's most senior banker to finance industry clients, Ken Wilson.
And so with this appointment, the Goldman Sachs Diaspora grows a little bit more influential. It is an old-boy network that has created a revolving door between the firm and public office, greased by the mountains of money the company is generating even today, as its peers buckle and fall.
Almost whatever the country, you can find Goldman Sachs veterans in positions of pivotal power.
The 61-year-old Mr Wilson has already proved influential in deals to recapitalize and reorganize some of America's listing banks. At the Treasury he will advise on what the federal government must to do help the process, but he will face scrutiny from those concerned about the tentacles wrapping lightly around government from Wall Street's mightiest bank. For the time being, bailing out Wall Street looks to be the same as bailing out the economy, but if those diverge there could be more questions asked about the influence of Goldman Sachs alumni on public policy.
George Bush picked up the phone this month, partly at the instigation of another Goldman Sachs alumnus, his Treasury secretary, Hank Paulson. Together with Mr Bush's chief of staff, Joshua Bolten, there will be three Goldman Sachs old boys in major positions of influence in the White House – but the US government is hardly alone in finding the bank's executives to be attractive hirees.
They are well-credentialed, partly by design. From its beginning when the German immigrant Marcus Goldman began discounting IOUs among the diamond merchants of New York in the 1870s, Goldman Sachs has always known about the power of the network of influence. Goldman hires former politicians and civil servants, as readily as it supplies them.
And then there is simply the intellectual quality of the employees, many hired as much youngster men via a gruelling interview process, and then forged in the fire of 17-hour work days.
With Goldman Sachs at the heart of Wall Street, and Wall Street at the heart of the US economy, few expects its power to wane. Indeed, The New York Times columnist David Brooks noted that Goldman Sachs employees have given more money to Barack Obama's campaign for president than workers of any other employer in the US. "Over the past few years, people from Goldman Sachs have assumed control over large parts of the federal government," Brooks noted grimly. "Over the next few they might just take over the whole darn thing."
John Thornton
From his post as professor and director of global leadership at Tsinghua University in Beijing, the former Goldman Sachs co-chief operating officer John Thornton has become a highly-influential figure in the developing business and political inter-relations between the US and China. He was Goldman's boss in Asia in the mid-Nineties and remains well connected in the East and the West.
Duncan Niederauer
Wall Streeters joked about a Goldman Sachs "takeover" of the New York Stock Exchange. Hank Paulson, the Goldman boss on the NYSE board, moved to oust the chairman, Dick Grasso, and recommended the then chief operating officer of Goldman, John Thain, as Mr Grasso's replacement. Mr Thain modernized the exchange as demanded by Goldman, and Mr Thain's old Goldman deputy, Duncan Niederauer, is in charge.
Jon Corzine
The former co-chief executive of Goldman went into full-time politics in 1999, having lost the internal power struggle that preceded the company's stock-market flotation in 1999. He has been governor of New Jersey since 2006, having spent the previous six years in the US Senate. His 2000 Senate election campaign was then the most expensive ever in the US, and Corzine spent $62m of his own money.
Joshua Bolten
For five years until 1999, Mr Bolten served as director of legal affairs for Goldman based in London, effectively making him the bank's chief lobbyist to the EU. The Republican lawyer aided George Bush's 2000 election campaign, helped co-ordinate policy in the White House and has been the President's chief of staff since 2006.
Paul Deighton
The man heading London's planning for the 2012 Olympic Games, Paul Deighton amassed a fortune estimated at over £100m during his two decades at Goldman Sachs, where he had been one of its most powerful investment bankers.
Robert Rubin
A US Treasury secretary under Bill Clinton, Mr Rubin could once again emerge as a powerful figure in Washington if Barack Obama wins the presidency, since he has maintained his influence on Democrat politics. Mr Rubin reached the second-highest rung at Goldman, becoming co-chief operating officer before joining the US government in 1993.
Gavyn Davies
The ex-chairman of the BBC still has the ear of Gordon Brown, to whom he has been a good friend and informal adviser. He is married to the Prime Minister's aide Sue Nye. Mr Davies spent 15 years as an economist at Goldman. He was commissioned to report on the future funding of the BBC by Mr Brown in 1999. Two years later, he was poached to chair it.
Jim Cramer
This former Goldman trader is, without question, the most influential stock pundit in the US. Hectoring and shouting his investment advice nightly on his CNBC show, Mad Money, he routinely moves share prices. His primal scream against the Federal Reserve ("They know nothing") was a YouTube sensation last year, as the central bank refused to lower interest rates to ease the pain of the credit crisis on Wall Street.
Robert Zoellick
Goldman provided a lucrative home to Robert Zoellick, the neo-conservative Republican, between the time he quit as Condoleezza Rice's deputy at the State Department in 2006 (having not secured the job he coveted as Treasury Secretary, when it went to Hank Paulson) and his appointment last year as head of the World Bank. At Goldman he had acted as head of international affairs, a kind of global ambassador and networker-in-chief.
Mario Draghi
The head of the Italian central bank is another example of the revolving door between Goldman and public service. Mr Draghi had been an academic economist, an executive at the World Bank and a director-general of the Italian treasury before joining Goldman as a partner in 2002. He is becoming a significant figure in the response to the credit crisis, chairing the financial stability forum of central banks, finance ministries and regulators.
Malcolm Turnbull
Treasurer for the opposition Liberal Party, Mr Turnbull is one of the fastest-rising politicians in Australia. He was the aggressive advocate who took on and beat the British Government in the Spy catcher trial of the former MI5 agent Peter Walker, but he then pursued a career in business and ran Goldman Australia from 1997 to 2001, before jumping in to politics to serve as environment minister under John Howard.
Hank Paulson
Cometh the hour, cometh the man. President George Bush must be delighted he lured a reluctant Hank Paulson away from his $38m-a-year job as Goldman Sachs chief executive in 2006, just in time to deal with the Wall Street crisis that has engulfed the entire US economy. The bird-watching enthusiast had been a surprising choice as Treasury secretary, since his environmentalism was at odds with much of Bush's policy.
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz-Poland
graduated in 1984 from the Faculty of Mathematics, Physics and Chemistry (having studied physics) of the Wrocław University. He also completed post-graduate course in Administration at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan. He worked as an elementary school teacher and a headmaster in his home city of Gorzów Wielkopolski.
In the 1980s, he was also a member of the Solidarity movement and editor of underground press materials. In 1992, he became a State Secretary (formal name for deputy minister) in the Ministry of National Education. From 1999 to 2000, he was the cabinet chief for prime minister Jerzy Buzek.
Cabinet of Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz Following the victory of the Law and Justice party in the September 2005 Polish parliamentary elections, its prime ministerial candidate, party leader Jarosław Kaczyński decided against becoming prime minister so as not to damage the chances of his twin brother, Lech Kaczyński in the then-upcoming October presidential election. Instead the little-known Marcinkiewicz became PM, leading a coalition formed by Jarosław, who remained in the background, but influential.
Before his prime ministerial appointment, Marcinkiewicz remained a political cipher, which resulted in a political carte blanche after the appointment. Relatively unknown to the public at that time, due to his intensive political activity Marcinkiewicz gained a high public recognition, rapidly becoming the most trusted and popular politician in Poland.
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Komunikat o. dyr. Tadeusza Rydzyka w sprawie geotermii w Polsce naszej narodowej
Podwyżki spowodowane kryzysem gospodarczym prof Andrzej Kaźmierczak (2009-02-13) Aktualności dnia słuchajzapisz
Kochani!
Wszystkich przyjaciół solidarnych z nami w naszej posłudze Prawdzie, Ewangelii, wszystkich rodaków, którzy interesują się sprawą odwiertów badawczo-odkrywczych w Toruniu informujemy, że rozpoczynamy teraz tzw. kwasowanie na głębokości 2 tys. 920 metrów. Woda gorąca, o temperaturze ponad 82 st. C, jest. Zobaczymy tylko, czy to wystarczająca ilość. Wyżej jest woda o temperaturze 65 do 70 st. Celsjusza. Jest jej bardzo dużo. Możemy mieć nawet do 500 metrów sześciennych na godzinę. 80 procent Polski leży na takich gorących źródłach, Polska jest bogata różnymi złożami w naszej ziemi. Ukrywali to kiedyś komuniści. Trzeba tylko jednoczyć się w dobrym, gdy systematycznie i celowo jesteśmy jako Naród atomizowani i antagonizowani. Tym bardziej wierni Chrystusowi jak wszyscy wielcy Polacy w przeszłości jednoczmy się w dobrym, bądźmy sobie wzajemnie życzliwi, czyńmy wszystko, byśmy byli jedno w Prawdzie i budowaniu wspólnego dobra.
Po zakończeniu tego odwiertu powinniśmy zaraz przystąpić do następnego. Mamy jednak jeden bardzo poważny problem - zapłacenie za to. A problem zrobił nam nie kto inny, tylko ten rząd. Jak mówią nam specjaliści, znawcy, nawet w czasach komunistycznych badania geologiczne opłacał rząd. To, co powinien w Polsce robić rząd, robią teraz zwykli zakonnicy. A co robi rząd? Oni nawet z funduszy unijnych 67 mld euro wzięli dotąd tylko około 0,3 proc., to jest 866 milionów. Ale innym, w tym Wyższej Szkole Kultury Społecznej i Medialnej, odebrali dotacje. Słyszymy, że ten, kto odebrał nam dotacje na odwierty badawcze - Stanisław Gawłowski - ma zostać, chyba w nagrodę, ministrem ochrony środowiska. A minister Schetyna na dodatek zabronił na to zbiórki publicznej. W tym samym czasie pozwolił na zbiórkę publiczną Owsiakowi. Za to, jak mówią nam europosłowie, w Polsce ma być najdroższa energia. Możemy pytać, w jakiej rzeczywistości żyjemy? Dlaczego nie robiący nic sami, innym przeszkadzają, by coś dla Polski zrobić. Kochani, tym bardziej Bóg zapłać za wspieranie w działaniach i pomoc Fundacji "Lux Veritatis", która robi te odwierty, Radiu Maryja, uczelni, Telewizji Trwam. Zachęcamy też wszystkich, uczcie się, jak pozyskiwać fundusze z Unii Europejskiej. Wyższa Szkoła Kultury Społecznej i Medialnej prowadzi takie jednosemestralne studia, jak pozyskiwać te fundusze. Polska wpłaciła do Unii już bardzo dużo. W lutym zaczynamy następne takie studia. Pytajcie o nie w godzinach i dniach urzędowania pod numerem telefonu (056) 610 71 20. Bóg zapłać za modlitwę, za życzliwość, za współpracę. I nie dajmy się jako Naród atomizować i antagonizować. Bądźmy jedno w całej Prawdzie. Uczy nas tego Pan Jezus. Konta bankowe Radia Maryja Konta złotówkowe - PKO BP S.A. II/O Toruń nr 69 1020 5011 0000 9602 0012 9130 - Bank Pocztowy S.A. O/Toruń nr 77 1320 1120 2565 1113 2000 0003 z dopiskiem: "Dar na cele kultu religijnego" Konta walutowe EUR - PKO BP S.A. II/O Toruń ul. Grudziądzka 4, 87-100 Toruń nr 65 1020 5011 0000 9602 0105 7298 Funty GBP - PKO BP S.A. II/O Toruń ul. Grudziądzka 4, 87-100 Toruń nr 08 1020 5011 0000 9502 0105 7306 Dolary USD - PKO BP S.A. II/O Toruń ul. Grudziądzka 4, 87-100 Toruń nr 13 1020 5011 0000 9302 0105 7314 (Ofiarodawcy spoza Polski przed numerem konta winni dopisać symbol PL, a po numerze: SWIFT - BPKOPLPW)
Konto w USA RADIO MARYJA, P.O. BOX 39565 CHICAGO, IL 60639-0565
Konto w Kanadzie St. Stanislaus - St. Casimir's Polish Parishes - Credit Union Limited 40 John St., Oakville, ONT L6K 1G8 Numer konta: 84920
Poslka Rosja American Unia Obama Dr hab. Mieczyslaw Ryba
Światowy ład w wizji amerykańskich Demokratów
Dr hab. Mieczysław Ryba
Zbigniew Brzeziński, amerykański politolog, były doradca prezydenta Cartera, stara się pokazać główne wyzwania amerykańskiej polityki zagranicznej po objęciu prezydentury przez Baracka Obamę. Słowa Brzezińskiego mają wyjątkowe znaczenie z tego powodu, że od lat był on związany z Partią Demokratyczną i wywierał znaczny wpływ na kierunki amerykańskiej polityki lansowanej przez ten obóz polityczny. Dziś Brzeziński postuluje powrót USA do sposobu uprawiania polityki z czasów prezydentury Billa Clintona. Co to oznacza dla świata i dla Polski?
Wprawdzie Brzeziński gani Francję i Niemcy za ich postawę w czasie wojny irackiej, jednakże postuluje potrzebę ponownego porozumienia. Apeluje o "przywrócenie poczucia wspólnego celu Ameryki i Europy (a konkretniej USA i Unii Europejskiej), a także wspólnego celu państw zrzeszonych w NATO". Brzeziński nie pozostawia złudzeń, co rozumie pod pojęciem "Unia Europejska". Oczywiście nie chodzi mu o wejście w jakiś większy związek z państwami mniejszymi, lecz dużymi, tymi, które budują współczesne superpaństwo europejskie. Twierdzi wręcz, że brak pełnej instytucjonalnej jedności europejskiej może utrudniać Amerykanom rzeczowy dialog transatlantycki. Można by zatem wnioskować, iż Stany Zjednoczone pod nowym kierownictwem chciałyby po prostu wesprzeć ideę przyspieszonej europejskiej integracji, zmierzającej do ujednolicenia polityki zagranicznej. Dodajmy, że w tym właśnie kierunku idzie traktat lizboński. Wielu komentatorów zauważyło, że referendum irlandzkie m.in. dlatego zakończyło się klęską europejskich federalistów, iż w sposób nieformalny eurosceptyków wsparły środowiska amerykańskie. Jasna deklaracja poparcia przez Waszyngton budowy superpaństwa w Europie z pewnością ułatwiłaby unioentuzjastom realizację ich centralistycznych celów. Brzeziński w wywiadzie dla "Wprost" (4-11.01.2009) mówi, że na chwilę obecną chodzi o dialog między USA a trzema europejskimi państwami: Wielką Brytanią, Niemcami oraz Francją. O ile Wielka Brytania jest niejako tradycyjnie reprezentantką interesów Ameryki w Europie, o tyle Francja i Niemcy są głównymi motorami napędowymi europejskiej integracji, które miałyby przejąć realne rządy w nowo powstającym sfederowanym państwie europejskim. Brzeziński oczekuje, iż kraje te zbudują wspólną politykę zagraniczną. Czytamy: "Kiedy już europejska triada ustali wspólny cel strategiczny, Ameryka będzie słuchać. A Stany Zjednoczone wraz z Unią Europejską, wytwarzając w sumie ponad połowę światowego PKB, będą dysponowały olbrzymią potęgą, pozwalającą wpływać na sytuację na świecie w sposób odpowiedzialny i wywoływać pozytywne zmiany". Taki układ miałby być podstawą do "globalnego zarządzania". Oczywiście owo globalne zarządzanie wymaga uczestnictwa przynajmniej jeszcze kilku światowych graczy w Eurazji, tj. Chin, Rosji, Japonii oraz Indii. Ważne słowa Brzezińskiego dotyczą Rosji: "Zaangażowanie Rosji leży w interesie Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich ze względu na ogólniejsze zamierzenia strategiczne, a także z powodu bardziej lokalnych, europejskich problemów geopolitycznych". Brzeziński krytykuje nierozliczenie się Rosjan z komunizmem, ale wyraża jednocześnie nadzieję, że ostatnie trudne rosyjskie doświadczenia gospodarcze mogą ten kraj wiele nauczyć. Jeśli weźmiemy pod uwagę słowa Zbigniewa Brzezińskiego jako reprezentatywne dla środowiska otaczającego Baracka Obamę, to śmiało można potwierdzić, że szykuje nam się rzeczywisty powrót USA do polityki czasów Billa Clintona. W polityce tej w Eurazji naczelną rolę odgrywała Unia Europejska, a w Unii Niemcy. Polska wpisana była w kontekst polityki niemieckiej, którą Brzeziński w "Wielkiej szachownicy" określił mianem nowego projektu budowy Mitteleuropy. Stosunek amerykańskiego politologa do Rosji potwierdza moje niedawne analizy dotyczące perspektywy strategicznego porozumienia Waszyngtonu z Moskwą. Napięcia, jakie się pojawiły w ostatnim czasie (m.in. wojna w Gruzji), miałyby zostać usunięte, szczególnie w sytuacji, gdy Rosja odczuła dziś mocną zależność od gospodarki globalnej (kryzys finansowy), sterowanej w dużej mierze z Wall Street. Rosja jest potrzebna Stanom Zjednoczonym do bilansowania siły Chin oraz Iranu, tak więc ostatnie zmagania amerykańsko-rosyjskie można by raczej nazwać mianem określania granic wpływów, a nie strategicznego konfliktu dwóch mocarstw. W tej sytuacji polskie marzenia o wyrwaniu z rąk rosyjskich kolejnych państw posowieckich (Ukraina, Białoruś, Gruzja itp.) przy wykorzystaniu poparcia USA mogą się okazać wielką mrzonką. Opieranie zaś polskiej polityki zagranicznej na mrzonkach jest nie tylko stratą cennego czasu, lecz nieroztropnością narażającą nas na kolejne niepotrzebne konflikty w sytuacji, gdy trzeba się samemu wzmacniać gospodarczo i politycznie, i to w sposób przyspieszony. Tymczasem nie chodzi tylko o pozytywny dziś stosunek USA do układu Paryż - Berlin - Moskwa, co na podstawie powyższych konstatacji można uznać za rzecz bardzo prawdopodobną, lecz o amerykańską wizję miejsca środkowej Europy w Unii Europejskiej. Wizyta Baracka Obamy w Berlinie w trakcie prezydenckiej kampanii i pominięcie Warszawy powinny nam wiele mówić. Brak wsparcia amerykańskiego dla ratowania wypłukiwanej suwerenności Europy Środkowej może być w zmaganiach wewnątrzunijnych rozstrzygający. Polityka polska powinna więc bardzo szybko szukać wewnątrzeuropejskich koalicji, dzięki którym można by przetrwać okres dekoniunktury w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Możemy wszak mieć w niedługim czasie do czynienia ze znaczącym obniżeniem pozycji Polski w Europie i świecie. Zatem obrona suwerenności powinna przede wszystkim dotyczyć traktatu lizbońskiego i jego politycznych skutków. Prezydencja czeska, przy bardzo rozsądnej postawie Vaclawa Klausa, jest pewną szansą na zbliżenie się Polski do południowego sąsiada i nakreślenie strategii wspólnych działań defensywnych. Powtórzę to jeszcze raz: w tej chwili jest nam o wiele bardziej potrzebna solidarność środkowoeuropejska wewnątrz Unii niż z krajami posowieckimi. Ze względu na nasze współczesne (!) geopolityczne położenie między Bugiem a Odrą i Nysą Łużycką większe wyzwania (czytaj: uzależnienia) czekają nas z kierunku brukselskiego niż z kierunku wschodniego. Nie zapominajmy, że jesteśmy dziś członkiem Unii Europejskiej, a nie Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. Oczywiście można zbagatelizować słowa Zbigniewa Brzezińskiego. Można uznać, że jego wpływ na amerykańską politykę jest żaden. Oby się jednak w niedługim czasie nie okazało, iż przeżywać będziemy potężne rozczarowanie, wciąż zapatrzeni we wschodnie projekty i coraz bardziej przerażeni naszą marginalizacją w Unii Europejskiej.
Warsaw 1942 Getho Palestine Gaza 2009 must see and do something
The Warsaw Uprising 1944 / Powstanie Warszawskie
The Warsaw Ghetto "The Warsaw Ghetto"
POLISH MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
PRINTED AS A PRESS BULLETIN
Extermination of the Polish Jewry "What Happened in the Warsaw Ghetto"
London – Tuesday 1st December 1942 – No 57
The Polish Government has recently received from Poland the following on the measures taken by the German authorities to exterminate the population of the ghetto.
The Origin of the Warsaw Ghetto:
The German authorities created the Warsaw ghetto in October 1940. All the Jews in the city were ordered to transfer to the Jewish quarter assigned to them by 1 November 1940, while all the Aryans were ordered to remove elsewhere out of this quarter.
The Jews were allowed to take only personal articles with them, and were forbidden to take their furniture, though in practice this rule was not strictly observed. All the Jewish shops and businesses in the Aryan areas of the city were closed down and sealed.
The original terminal date for the transfer was postponed to 15 November 1940, after which Jews were not allowed to leave the ghetto. But Aryans were allowed to enter without passes down to 25 November 1940. After that the ghetto was completely closed, the entire area was surrounded by a wall and the right of entry and exit was granted only to the holders of passes issued by a special German office.
One entrance to the Warsaw ghetto
Anyone leaving the ghetto without a pass became liable to the death sentence, and the German courts have passed such sentences in a large number of cases. Even after the ghetto was closed a large number of commercial and industrial enterprises owned by Aryans were left within the walls.
All the trading and commercial businesses were transferred outside the walls by the spring of 1941, but Aryan industrial enterprises were left inside and gave employment to both Aryans and Jews.
Life in the Ghetto
After the sealing of the ghetto official intercourse with the outside world was maintained through a special German department, the Transferstelle.
In the spring of 1942 at a period when relations between the ghetto and the rest of Warsaw had been systemized, trade between the two parts of the city averaged a sum of 13 groshe daily per head of the ghetto population
At this same period a kilogramme (2 ¼ lbs) of bread cost over ten zlotys and a kilogramme of potatoes some five zlotys. From the earliest days of the ghetto commerce with the outside world was based chiefly on smuggling, which was carried on, on a large scale.
The Germans themselves participated in this violation of their own prescriptions, drawing large incomes from trading profits and bribes. In economic terms this illegal trade consisted of the selling up of Jewish property and possessions in exchange for food.
Jews wait to receive food coupons at a welfare office located at 14 Mranowska St.
The ghetto depended on smuggling for its food supplies, as the amount supplied on the ration cards was much lower even than that allowed to Poles, and was quite inadequate to maintain life.
It amounted to about half a kilogramme of bread per person weekly, and hardly anything to else. As time went on large workshops were organised for Jews to work on German orders. But smuggling remained the chief form of trade with the outside and when it came to an end during the period of “liquidation” of the ghetto the disparity between prices in the Jewish quarter and outside became even greater.
Bread inside the ghetto cost 60 to 85 zlotys a kilogramme, outside it was 8 to 12 zlotys, sugar was 400 to 450 zlotys a kilogramme inside and 35 to 70 zlotys outside, potatoes were 16 to 30 zlotys a kilogramme inside, and 3.50 zlotys outside.
The mortality rate inside the ghetto rose steadily month after month. This was due not only to the terrible need of the people, but to the harsh winters of 1940/41 and 1941/42, epidemics of spotted typhus, typhoid and tuberculosis.
Every day dozens of bodies were found in the streets – in 1941 the mortality amounted to some 13 percent of the total population, and during the first quarter of 1942 it amounted to over 15 percent, per annum. On the other hand, the birth rate fell almost to nothing.
None the less the population of the Warsaw ghetto remained almost stable throughout all the period of its existence. Officially it was about 433,000, but in fact it fell to 370,000. The reason is that more Jews were continually being driven into the ghetto from other countries such as Germany and Holand as well as from various smaller towns and places around Warsaw.
The Strengthening of Anti- Jewish Measures
A Jew stopped by German police in the ghetto
The occupying authorities continually resorted to various forms of terror steadily growing in violence and accounting for dozens of victims inside the ghetto every day, apart from the daily executions carried out beyond its confines.
Armed and uniformed Germans would pour into a house at night, drag out those destined as victims and kill them in the street. Adult Jews found outside the ghetto walls were shot on the spot, while children were drowned in clay pits or thrown into the towns canals.
After the outbreak of war between Germany and the Soviet Union and the German occupation of the Eastern areas of Poland, in July 1941, news began to arrive of mass machine-gunning of Jews in the more easterly towns and local centres.
At first the stories were hardly to be believed, but they were confirmed again and again by eyewitnesses. In the winter and early spring of 1942 these mass murders of tens of thousands of Jews grew more and more systematic.
Burying the dead in the Warsaw Ghetto
Throughout the whole of the Vilno province only one centre of Jewish life was left in the city of Vilno itself, where some 12,000 Jews remained. In the city of Vilno over 50,000 Jews were murdered, in Rowne 14,000 in Lwow 50 percent of the Jewish population, and in Kowel 10,000.
Later similar reports were received from Stanislawow, Tarnopol, Stiryj and dozens of other smaller towns. It became obvious that the terror was moving westward from the eastern borders, while in the extreme west, in Poland’s “incorporated” western provinces, Jews had already been completely eliminated, only specialist craftsmen working for the German army being left, herded in isolated barracks.
New methods of extermination were being applied. The use of poison gas was resorted to for ten thousand people in Chelm. A camp was organised at Belzec for the special purpose of execution by electrocution and here in the course of about a month, in March and April 1942 80,000 Jews from the Lublin, Lwow and part of the Kielce provinces were executed.
Out of Lublin’s 30,000 Jews only 2,500 were left, 70 of these being women. Auxiliary to the main work of extermination the Jews were being deported from the smaller centres of population and concentrated in the larger towns. In the course of these operations alone some 10 percent, lost their lives.
Himmler Orders Extermination
After Himmler’s visit to the General Gouvernment in March 1941, and his order for the extermination of 50 percent, of the Jews by the end of 1942, there could no longer be any doubt that this great mass murder could be halted only by events of great military and political importance.
In the spring of 1942 the news came that a new extermination camp had been opened at Sobibor, in Wlodawa County. It was expected that the work of liquidating the Warsaw ghetto would begin in the middle of April, and then at the end of May.
In June the rumour spread that it had been postponed for a time. But Himmler’s visit to the General Gouvernment in the middle of July 1942 hastened the execution of the plans and intensified their severity as compared with the original design.
Mass Murder under the Guise of Deportation
Notice announcing the death penalty for those who assist Jews who have left the ghetto without authorization
Preliminary to the liquidation, steps were taken aimed at eliminating foreign Jews from the scope of the measures. To this end a registration of all such Jews was carried out on 17 July 1942, and they were then interned in the Pawiak prison.
From Monday, 20 July onward the task of guarding the ghetto bounds was entrusted to strong cordons of junaks, i.e. security battalions consisting of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians and certain Soviet prisoners of war of these nationalities, as well as of Russian whites.
After this the Polish police performed only auxiliary service at the exit gates. This change also marked the end of the smuggling between the ghetto and the rest of the Warsaw, while the numbers of Jews shot at the boundaries increased.
The Junaks opened fire at windows of houses adjacent to the ghetto walls. Large forces of German police, armed with machine-guns, were also posted at every exit, an SS man being placed in charge of each post.
German police on motor-cycles patrolled the ghetto walls continually day and night. These preparations were watched by ghetto inhabitants with feelings of dread and terror.
On 21 July 1942 at eleven a.m. German police cars drove up to the building of the Jewish Council in Grzybowska Street. The SS officers who arrived in them ordered the Chairman Mr Czerniakow to summon the members of the Council.
German police and SS arrest Jews on Nowolipie Street in the Warsaw ghetto
On their arrival they were all arrested and carried off in police cars to the Pawiak prison. After a short period of detention the majority of them were released. About the same time police cars drove into the ghetto’s streets. Uniformed Germans broke into the houses looking chiefly for members of the Jewish intellectual class, and killing them on the spot, in their homes, not troubling to identify them.
Among those who were thus killed was a non-Jew Professor Raszej, who, armed with an official pass, was visiting the ghetto in the course of his medical duties. At the same time round-ups were made in the streets, these being noteworthy for the fact that only the better-dressed people were detained.
It later transpired that these passers-by who were fortuitously arrested, and also those members of the Jewish Council who were detained, were to be used as hostages.
So the day passed without either Mr Czerniakow or any other member of the Jewish Council, being informed of what it all meant and what was planned.
Next day, 22 July after ten o’clock a.m. police cars again drove up before the Jewish Council building. When those members of the Council who had been released were summoned, a long order on the “trans-settlement of the Jewish population of Warsaw” was dictated to them.
The essential details were given in the placard which was afterwards posted up, the other details concerning the technique of the deportations:
The number to be deported daily was 6,000
These persons were to be assembled in the building of the hospital on Stawki Street, which was to be emptied for the purpose at once. They were then to be taken to the “transhipment” point at Stawki Street, where there were railway sidings used for the ghetto official trade and industries.
The persons subject to deportation were to be handed over by the Jewish civil police every day before 4p.m, the first consignment to be supplied that same day, 22 July 1942 at 11 o’clock. The members of the Jewish Council with the arrested hostages would answer with their heads for the strict fulfilment of this order. At the express German request the first persons to be assembled for deportation that same day were those held in the Jewish prison, shelters etc.
On 23 July 1942, at seven p.m. two uniformed Germans again arrived at the building of the Jewish Council. They demanded to see Mr Czerniakow. Shortly after they had left his office after the interview he committed suicide.
It is not exactly known, what was the subject of their conversation, for Czerniakow said nothing to anybody about it before his death. But, from the notes he left and also a letter to his wife, it appears that he had been ordered to produce not six thousand but ten thousand people for deportation the following day, and thereafter at the rate of 7,000 a day.
After his death Mr Lichtenbaum, an engineer, became Chairman of the Jewish Council.
The Deportation Order
Jews forcibly deported from the Warsaw Ghetto
Next day ten thousand were in fact assembled at the transhipment point, and 7,000 every day after. The quota was made up of people taken from their homes or rounded up in the streets.
In order to encourage the Jewish police to greater activity the Germans obviously showed them favouritism at this stage: for instance, they provided them with safe-conducts stamped with the German police stamp, which freed from deportation not only their families (wives and children) who were excluded from deportation by the order, but other relations also.
As the order of 22 July 1942, excluded from deportation all workers in the large German – owned enterprises, together with their families, there was considerable competition among the inhabitants of the ghetto to obtain work in these enterprises, or rather to obtain certificates stating that they worked there.
Sums running into thousands of zlotys were paid for such certificates, the money, of course, being pocketed by the German owners of the works etc. It later transpired that not only these certificates of employment, but even the safe- conducts given to the Jewish police had no real value, for the Germans did not respect them and, despite their own order, arbitrarily deported anybody and everybody, without regard to their documents.
Jews from the Warsaw ghetto are boarded onto a deportation train at the Umschlagplatz
The actual process of deportation was carried out more and more brutally every day, and after some days the Germans themselves actively engaged in the work, with the aid of the junaks, independently of the Jewish police.
The Germans cordoned off a whole block of houses, entered the courtyard and opened fire. This was intended as a signal for everybody to leave their homes and assemble in the yard.Anyone who failed to get out quickly enough or who tried to hide was killed on the spot. All infirm, old and crippled people were also killed in their homes.
No consideration was shown for families as such, wives were torn away from their husbands, and children, even quite small tots, from their parents.
Mass Murders
To the accompaniment of incessant firing, at the transhipment point the Germans separated any old and infirm who had escaped so far, carried them straight to the Jewish cemetery, and killed them there.
Every day between sixty and a hundred persons were disposed of in this way. The others were packed into goods trucks, 120 people being crushed into trucks with room for forty. The people choked with lack of air, but the tracks were sealed up and the trains set out.
The floors of the trucks were covered with quicklime and chlorine. The route taken by such a train was marked by the bodies alongside the lines. The deportees were carried off to three execution camps at Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor.
Here the trains were unloaded, the condemned were stripped naked and then killed, probably by poison gas or electrocution. For the purpose of burying the bodies a great bulldozer has been taken to Treblinka, and this machine works without stopping.
The stench of the decomposing bodies has nauseated all the peasants for three miles around and forced them to flight. In addition to Treblinka, there were also camps at Belzec and Sobibor.
A sign in Polish from the Belzec killing center that reads, "Attention! All belongings must be handed in at the counter
It has not been possible to ascertain whether any of those who have been carried off have been left alive. We have information only of extermination. Out of the 250,000 people deported only two small transport trains, four thousand people altogether, were sent to work behind the front line in the Brzesc and Malachowicze direction.
As a rule young and physically healthy people escaped this fate, because of their value as labour power, the main victims being old and infirm and children. All the children in the children’s homes and shelters were carried off.
Among these was an orphans’ home run by Janusz Korczak a well known Polish writer. He refused to leave the children, though he would have been allowed to remain. He and the manageress of the home went with the children to the assembly point.
The deportations have been going on unbrokenly ever since 22 July – every day between three and ten thousand people are carried off. Those who are left convulsively cling to the faint hope that they may escape the fate of those who have gone.
By 1 September some 250,000 people had already been carried off. For the month of September 120,000 ration cards were printed, for October only 40,000.
According to information obtained from the German Labour Bureau (Arbeitsamt) which confirmed the figure as to the number of ration cards prepared for October, only 40,000 skilled workers are to be left in the ghetto, held in barracks, as suitable for German war production.
Meantime, the Germans were taking steps to murder off the Jews of the smaller localities outside Warsaw. These murders took place under the very eyes of the Polish inhabitants, who were shocked to the depths of their souls.
Children were shot, pregnant women were killed, people who attempted to run away and hide were hunted like animals, and hundreds of bodies in the streets, by the wayside, along the railway lines were seen by large numbers of Poles.
The liquidation of the ghettos in the nearby places of Falenica, Rembertow, Nowy Dwor, Kaluszyn and Minsk Mazowiecki was carried out during a break in the work of deporting the Jews from the Warsaw ghetto, from 20 August to 24 August. The deportations from the Warsaw ghetto began again on 25 August.
Jews forced to board trucks for deportation
It is impossible to give a brief review of the steps taken by the Germans to eliminate the Warsaw ghetto- concludes the report received from Poland – without attempting to give people free from the German terror some idea of the scale and intensity of the mass murders which by 1 September 1942, had been committed on some 250,000 Jews, and which are still going on.
Any such attempt to give the people of Great Britain or America some idea of these unprecedented mass murders must begin by appealing to them to believe things that would seem incredible. They must get it clearly in their consciousness that all these things are true, the truth amid which we have to live and die.
The facts which we relate are not specially selected – they are facts of everyday existence in Poland. They are not isolated facts, every one of them can be matched by tens and hundreds of similar facts every day.
Since 22 July last anything from several dozen to several hundred Jews have been murdered every day in Warsaw, by shooting in the streets and houses. These murders are committed every day during round-ups of people who are carried off to be killed. Among the six to ten thousand people rounded up every day, for deportation, between fifty and a hundred old people, cripples, and infirm are taken to the cemetery to be shot and buried.
If anyone has any doubt whether it would be possible to kill off five, six or ten thousand people in one day, they can be convinced by the thousands of witnesses at Otwock, Rembertow, Siedlce, Minsk Mazowiecki, Lomza and many other localities.
People at each of these places have seen anything from two to ten thousand people murdered in the course of a few hours.
That gives some idea of the mass scale of these murders. The brutality with which they are carried out is on the same scale. These people carried off to death have to endure the maximum of suffering. Not less than a hundred people are packed into trucks suitable for forty. The trucks are sealed, the floors are covered with a thick layer of un-slaked lime. Sometimes, in order that the effect of the lime shall be greater, the deportees are ordered to take off their boots and shoes.
A Jewish man walks with three young children alongside a deportation train in the Warsaw ghetto
To inflict further suffering on mothers the children are torn from them. Orphanages are carried off in their entirety. The staffs do not abandon their children. But they can do no more when the moment comes for loading into trucks. The children are loaded into separate trucks, and the staffs are sent off by other trains.
For a German to shoot someone on the spot is regarded as an act of humanity, as is throwing anyone out of a sixth floor window. When one of the murderers throws a mother and her child out of the window on to the stones below, he evidently has a very soft heart. Such incidents are noted by the dozen every day.
Some of the acts of brutality are horrible even amid this horror. A pregnant Jewess escaped from the ghetto, and took shelter in a house in the Grochow district of Warsaw, where she was protected by Poles, and gave birth to the child.
But a German gendarme found her, shot her on the spot, and trampled the newly born infant to death. Must we tell you even more? Surely that is enough to indicate the scale of the cruelty?
As an indication of the scale of despair among the people let us tell you of the suicides. The suicides not only of individuals but of whole families together. By gas or by cyanide.
Every day someone takes poison. Several people, even up to a score, will commit suicide in one hour. To prevent people taking poison the chemists’ shops in the ghetto have all been closed.
Numbers of people have gone mad. Some of the victims implore the junaks to shoot them. But they have to pay for the privilege. The junaks demand fees of a hundred zlotys for shooting.
Annexes To The Report
Report Annex mentioning extermination at Belzec
Extraordinary Report from the Jew – extermination Camp at Belzec 10 July 1942
According to information from a German employed at the extermination camp, it is situated in Belzec, by the station, and is barred off by barriers of barbed wire. Inside the wire, and all round the outside, Ukrainians are on guard.
The executions are carried out in the following fashion:
When a trainload of Jews arrives at the station in Belzec, it is shunted by a side track up to the wire surrounding the place of execution, at which point there is a change in the engine crew and train guards.
From the wire onward the train is serviced by German drivers who take it to the unloading point, where the track ends. After unloading, the men go to a barracks on the right, the women to a barracks situated on the left, where they strip, ostensibly in readiness for a bath.
After they have undressed both groups go to a third barracks where there is an electrified plate, where the executions are carried out. Then the bodies are taken by train to a trench situated outside the wire, and some thirty metres deep. This trench was dug by Jews, who were all executed afterwards.
The Ukrainians on guard are also to be executed when the job is finished. The Ukrainians acting as guards are loaded with money and stolen valuables: they pay 400 zlotys for a litre of vodka, 2,000 zlotys and jewellery for relations with a woman.
Notes:
This is faithful transcript of the document, mistakes have not been corrected.
Sources:
The National Archives KEW
PRO
Holocaust Historical Society
US NARA
USHMM
Jewish children in the Warsaw Ghetto in 1942
Before World War II started on September 1, 1939, there were 375,000 Jews living in Warsaw, as many as in all of France, and more than in the whole country of Czechoslovakia. Only the city of New York had a larger Jewish population than Warsaw.
Israelis Demolish Arab Homes in Jerusalem Sept. 11, 2001 A weeping Ashia Abu Nab sits atop the rubble of her demolished home after Israelis destroyed it, in Jerusalem September 11, 2001
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A man carries the body of one of three children killed yesterday in Israeli shelling of the northern Gaza Strip's seafront, at the morgue of Beit Lahia hospital 10 June 2006. Hamas ended an 18-month ceasefire today, firing 11 rockets at Israel. A statement by the Ezzedine al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas' armed wing, said the attacks were in response to the killing of 10 Palestinians, including three young children, by Israeli artillery fire yesterday. Medical sources said five of those killed at the beach were members of the Ghali family from Gaza. AFP PHOTO/ SAMUEL ARANDA
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Powstanie Warszawskie
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Evidence of What The Nazis Did To The Jews In Warsaw / Video
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Grzegorz Schetyna Wiceprezes Rady Ministrów,Minister Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji Grzegorz SchetynaUrodził się 18 lutego 1963 r. w Opolu. Jest absolwentem Wydziału Filozoficzno-Historycznego Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. W stanie wojennym był działaczem Solidarności Walczącej. Od 1986 do 1989 r. przewodniczący Niezależnego Zrzeszenia Studentów działającego na tej uczelni, członek Prezydium Krajowej Komisji Koordynacyjnej NZS. W 1990 r. został dyrektorem Urzędu Wojewódzkiego we Wrocławiu, a od 1991 do 1992 r. był wicewojewodą. W 1991 r. został przewodniczącym Kongresu Liberalno-Demokratycznego we Wrocławiu, a następnie sekretarzem generalnym. W latach 1994-2001 był członkiem Unii Wolności, gdzie przez krótki czas pełnił funkcję zastępcy sekretarza generalnego partii. Od 1997 r. wybierany na posła kolejnych kadencji Sejmu. W 2001 r. zakładał Platformę Obywatelską. Jest sekretarzem generalnym tej partii. Od 1994 do 1997 r. był prezesem Sekcji Koszykówki Śląska Wrocław. W 1993 r. stworzył Radio Eska we Wrocławiu. Informujemy, że adresy i numery telefonów poszczególnych departamentów, biur oraz jednostek organizacyjnych MSWiA dostępne są na naszej stronie internetowej w dziale Ministerstwo/Struktura.Dodatkowo, dzwoniąc pod numer telefonu centrali MSWiA: (0 22) 621 20 20 uzyskają Państwo informację o szukanym numerze telefonu.Jeśli chcielibyście Państwo przesłać emaila bezpośrednio na skrzynkę Ministra Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji Grzegorza Schetyny, prosimy o nadsyłanie ich na adres minister@mswia.gov.pl.Przedstawicieli Mediów oraz Redakcje zapraszamy do przesyłania pytań drogą elektroniczną na adres rzecznik@mswia.gov.pl.Osoby chcące uzyskać informację z zakresu działania MSWiA, mogą przesłać wniosek o udostępnienie informacji publicznej na adres poczty elektronicznej wp@mswia.gov.pl, zapytania można kierować również listownie (wzór wniosku oraz informacja na temat zasad dostępu do informacji publicznej).Za merytoryczną zawartość strony internetowej odpowiada Wydział Komunikacji i Promocji (email: wp@mswia.gov.pl). Uwagi dotyczące obsługi technicznej strony prosimy wysyłać na adres webmaster@mswia.gov.pl.Zachęcamy do codziennego odwiedzania naszej strony internetowej. Dołożymy wszelkich starań, aby zamieszczone informacje spełniały Państwa oczekiwania. Kontakt telefoniczny do Rzecznika Prasowego(Wydział Komunikacji i Promocji MSWiA):(0-22) 601-44-27,fax: (0-22) 622-79-73.Adres do korespondencji:Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracjiul. Stefana Batorego 5, 02-591 Warszawa
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